Into The Abyss: Party politics

In the second extract from his memoir Into The Abyss, former Carmarthen East & Dinefwr MP Jonathan Edwards writes about the way Plaid Cymru handled his acceptance of a caution for common assault on his wife

I believe that as long-standing campaigners on domestic abuse, some colleagues felt that, particularly given my position, I should be made an example of.

I respect and understand this viewpoint, but I wonder to what extent – in failing to differentiate between myself, someone guilty of a single incident and who has accepted responsibility for my actions and shown remorse for them, and repeat offenders who have done neither of those things – it has been useful to the wider debate on how to best tackle this issue.

For others, particularly those on the left of the party, this was their chance for revenge.

For some reason the case was debated in the Senedd Group. Liz [Saville Roberts] fought my corner, receiving considerable pushback from certain members.

I was told that Leanne Wood, Sian Gwenllian, and Helen Mary Jones spoke against me. I never understood what the Senedd Group had to do with the matter, as the Westminster Group never had a say on disciplinary issues relating to their members.

The [disciplinary] panel was convened in a matter of weeks, which didn’t stop someone in the party from trying to influence it by working with the BBC, Labour, and the Tories on a story about supposed delays in the process, which gave them a chance to attack me.

The purpose of this leak was to pressure the disciplinary panel into the stiffest sanction possible.

The panel was made up of Richard Grigg as Chair, former Senedd Member Jocelyn Davies, and Gwynedd Councillor Olaf Cai Larsen. I had no previous dealings with Richard but was told he would be fair.

I had huge respect for Jocelyn and was confident she would deal with the case completely properly. I was concerned, however, that Cllr Larsen was on the panel. He was on the left of the party, a close associate of Leanne Wood and agent for Sian Gwenllian.

On the first Wednesday back, I was told I was to receive a telephone call from the then chief executive of the party, Gareth Clubb, to receive the determination of the panel.

Suspension

He told me that I would receive a year-long suspension and that I must also undertake a course for domestic abuse perpetrators before the panel could be reconvened. I was told that the party would once again issue a statement to the media on the sanction I faced.

To be honest, at this stage I feared the worst. The tensions within the party about my case and the pressure being put on the leadership from some quarters meant that the whole matter had become an issue of party management and highly political.

The year suspension meant that I would be out of the picture until after the Senedd election in 2021, which was very convenient for the leadership.

I regret not walking away at this stage. The announcement was a shock to those within the party who supported me, and I was given all sorts of assurances from high up that I needed to trust the process.

The local party members I spoke to were furious with the actions of the national party.

My relationship with the other Plaid Cymru MPs changed. Our offices were all on the same corridor, but they couldn’t risk being seen talking to me at all if anyone else was around.

Horrendous

Politics, at the best of times, is a lonely profession, but at least normally you can fall back on your colleagues who can fully empathise. I had no one I could talk to – it was completely horrendous.

Despite the heavy sanction and the knowledge of the state of my mental health, the party did not put any safeguarding measures in place.

Normally in such circumstances, an organisation would set up a process whereby contact was maintained during the suspension period. I was left to rot.

I enrolled in an online Domestic Abuse course, which I could undertake remotely both from home and from London. It lasted for a whole year and was difficult and challenging, but as the weeks went by, I started enjoying the meetings and discussions and learning more about the backgrounds of those on the course.

There were men from all sorts of professional classes, with different upbringings and life experiences.

I had completed my year-long course, and it was nearing two years since my initial suspension. All contact I had received from the leadership during this period indicated that the party’s processes would be honoured fully.

Everyone understood that there was an organised campaign against me from within the party, but once again, foolishly, I thought I would be protected by the party’s procedures.

I felt that I had been severely punished, accepted it with honour, and stuck fully to my side of the bargain.

I started a dialogue with the party leadership and had the feeling they were beginning to backslide on previous understandings. Again, this should have been a red alert warning sign.

I had met Adam [Price, then the party leader] on a few occasions during my suspension. At first, I was given assurances that the party would keep to their side of the bargain, that they wanted me back, and that I still had a future.

Political interference

I was told that the disciplinary processes were based on restorative justice and there would be no political interference once it was concluded.

I was sceptical of that promise as there had already been political intervention, and I knew there was an organised campaign against me within the party.

Throughout my suspension, Adam had told our joint staff that they had nothing to worry about in terms of their jobs going forward and that he wanted me back in the fold as soon as possible.

Some of them, such as Rebecca Phillips, had worked for Adam, Rhodri Glyn [Thomas], and me for over a decade. His assurances were to prove to be empty promises.

I bumped into Adam at a community surgery in Penygroes and asked him point-blank whether there would be any further sanctions at the end of the disciplinary process, and he said no.

We had met some months before over breakfast, and he had asked me whether I wanted to stand again; I said that I had reached the end of the road, so perhaps in his view there was nothing to worry about.

We had also met on other occasions where he had encouraged me to get back in the fold as soon as possible as the party was missing my strategic input.

Expulsion

The Sunday before the local government elections were held in May 2022, Leanne Wood was interviewed by the BBC and led with an attack on me, calling for an expulsion.

It was completely out of the blue in terms of the public debate on my position, as there wasn’t any media noise at this stage. I can only assume that either a leadership member or someone associated with the disciplinary panel – who had somehow been kept up to date on developments relating to my case – had briefed her.

Its impact was to undermine the hard work of councillor candidates across the country by making a negative story about the party the main political story in Wales a few days before people voted.

Her motive was to derail the leadership of Adam Price by undermining the election campaign. It was also a rallying cry to her faction in the party and a shot across the bows to the leadership.

Locally in Carmarthenshire, the party was furious, and they were to call for Leanne to be disciplined for undermining their campaign. As always, the control of the NEC by the party left meant she was completely protected.

It was clear to me at this stage that the leadership was now manoeuvring against me. When asked to respond to Leanne’s statement, instead of saying there was a stringent process in place, Adam basically said that any member could have their say on my case.

I should have accepted defeat and continued as an independent MP up until the election. In deciding to fight back, it was inevitable my opponents would use every dirty trick in the book including what I and many others considered the corrupting of the party’s processes.

Curveball

The panel meeting was held over Zoom; it was the same committee that I’d faced before. The questions were firm, but I felt I answered them well. After I thought we were finished, Cai Larsen threw a curveball question about my political intentions going forward.

I hadn’t expected this, as what did the political future have to do with the disciplinary process? I said that going forward the main consideration for the party was how to win the Carmarthen seat at the next election.

It was a clear warning that the disciplinary process was far from over. There had been countless other cases involving other elected members over the years, and there had been no precedent of matters being referred to a political forum for determination; I expected the party to defend its processes.

On the Monday evening, Carl [Harris – then Plaid’s chief executive] asked to phone to discuss the outcome of the disciplinary process.

I was outside my hotel; he asked me to sit down before starting the conversation, and my heart sank.

The panel had determined that I had met all conditions of the process and that the suspension of my membership should be lifted. So far so good; however, they had determined that my membership of the Candidates List should be reviewed by the National Executive Committee of the party.

We both knew this would be terminal for my political career. The NEC was dominated by the left. They operated as a party within a party, and since the dethronement of Leanne Wood as leader, held pre-NEC meetings of their own.

Politics, at the end of the day, is a game of numbers, and they had more than enough votes to overrule the more sensible voices on the committee.

Petrified

I can only presume, looking back, that the leadership of the party were petrified of the left. They were willing to throw me under a steamroller to preserve their own positions.

When Adam won the leadership race in September 2018, I emphasised to him that he had to ensure he had political control of the NEC.

He made some efforts with serious operators such as Marc Phillips and John Osmond elected. However, he never got to a position where he had the numbers on the committee to defeat the left. He should have prioritised this above all else, for his own sake.

Contrast this with Keir Starmer; once he won the leadership of the Labour Party, his priority was to purge Jeremy Corbyn supporters from its ruling bodies.

This served two purposes, firstly enabling him to sell a narrative of a changed Labour Party to the country. Secondly, and critically important, it meant he could impose his will on the party. He wouldn’t be Prime Minister now had he not undertaken this task.

I am not sure whether it was arrogance on Adam’s behalf in that he thought he could talk these people around. He was, of course, from the left of the party himself, but he was never pure enough (nor I for that matter) for the ideological zealots that Leanne Wood had attracted to Plaid and who were now in very powerful positions.

I suspect that when it came to it, Adam didn’t want to damage himself by fighting my corner. However, the problem with sacrificing people to a group hell-bent on revenge is that they get a taste for it.

The clock was ticking for Adam, and it was only a matter of time before they got the scalp they really wanted.

Into The Abyss by Jonathan Edwards is published by Cambria Books at £18.