Plaid’s first 100 days gamble

Jonathan Edwards
The first 100 days of government when a new administration takes over can often be pivotal for how the new government will be viewed for the remainder of their time in office.
New incumbents, buoyed by a favourable election result, want to hit the ground running to maintain momentum. They also want to take advantage of a period when the political opposition are licking their wounds and are more concerned with inward introspection, especially if a leadership contest is in the air.
In some cases, new administrations find themselves assuming power during a crisis and their formative acts are measures considered vital for addressing the problems at hand.
Famously the Emergency Banking Act introduced by the administration of Franklin D Roosevelt in 1933 stabilised the banking system and averted a collapse during the Great Depression.
Mostly however new administrations want to capitalise on the political capital that electoral victory brings. The first days in office are crucial not only for public perception, but also for how the Civil Service, civil society, the business community and the media react.
To put it bluntly, if new Ministers appear shell shocked at their new responsibilities and lack coherent and concrete plans about their intentions, the whole edifice can fall apart quickly and from there it is a long road back.
For a blueprint of how to put together a well-crafted masterplan, the best example in my living memory rests with Tony Blair’s administration of 1997. On the fourth day of assuming power the Chancellor, Gordon Brown, ceded power over monetary policy to the Bank of England.
The policy had not been included in the campaign manifesto, but was probably the most important tone-setting act of the new administration as it enabled Labour to sustain a narrative of economic competence for a decade and more – the foundation of two further general election victories, until the Great Recession of 2008 exposed that Brown’s light touch regulatory approach to the financial sector had been reckless.
The strategy was crafted by the new Prime Minister’s Chief of Staff, Jonathan Powell, critically independent from the general election campaign. It was novel therefore to see Plaid Cymru at their conference publish what their first actions would be if they form the next government of Wales in advance of the election.
Traditionally the first 100 days strategy is a closely guarded implementation plan aimed to ensure that there is some semblance of structure to the first days in office. Plaid has decided to publish a plan as a part of its communications strategy for the election campaign, presumably to create an impression that they were ready for action.
I am sure the idea sounded great in a Plaid communications team meeting when the plan was hatched. I am sure the thinking was that its launch at the end of the Spring Conference would ensure that media coverage of the event would conclude on the terms set by the party.
The problem, however, was that such a plan was only ever going to work if the document contained meaningful action that ordinary people could relate to and consider as policies that would have an immediate impact on their lives.
Consultations
While many of the initiatives might be worthy aims, most of the pledges refer to launching consultations, commissioning reports, developing strategies and roadmaps, convening summits, beginning plans, examining options and convening task and finish groups. In other words, there are hardly any concrete proposals for immediate action with deliverable outcomes – the complete antithesis of what a first 100-day plan should be about: instantaneous impact.
For those immersed in the Cardiff Bay bubble, a consultation blitz might look like a hive of activity. I am afraid that the vast majority of the people of our county will probably lose interest.
You would think that a national party such as Plaid on the cusp of leading the Welsh Government for the first time would be bouncing with ideas ready for instant implementation.
Shadow Ministers would by this stage be in competition about who would be making the first big announcements of the new government. Instead, the published document leaves the impression that the party lacks any definitive plans, is afraid of its own shadow and will govern by baby steps.
I am sure that the party leadership will retort that they aim to govern based on evidence, consensus and collaboration. However, it isn’t unreasonable to ask if they don’t know what they want to do with the levers of power after all these years in opposition then further procrastination is highly unlikely to yield results.
Furthermore, Plaid Ministers will find themselves running into swathes of vested and institutional interest. The party in government could find itself tied up in knots of its own making.
Fiscal situation
To compound matters, as the recent Institute of Fiscal Studies report found, the next Welsh Government is set to face a challenging fiscal situation to say the least: “In the context of spending pressures in areas such as health, social care and special educational needs provision, it will mean whoever is in government in the next Senedd term will face difficult decisions on tax and spending.
Indeed, without increases in revenues – whether through a boost to Welsh economic growth or increases in tax rates – and/or major improvements to public sector productivity, cuts to some services are highly likely to channel money to other services with growing spending needs. This is important context for any promises made during the election campaign.”
The party conference it seems to me had gone well enough. There was no need to publish the document. It has added nothing and raised more questions about what exactly the party aims to achieve in government. Plaid’s communications operation has been excellent under the leadership of Rhun ap Iorwerth, but has the party leadership neglected the detailed policy work required if the party is to govern effectively? It’s not the fault of the party’s policy staff if the political leadership are prioritising communications over policy substance.
Tax revenues
Plaid’s manifesto launch in the coming weeks could be the defining moment of the whole campaign. It seems to me the manifesto is going to have to explain how the party’s economic policies will boost Welsh tax revenues to fund any big new spending commitments.
If that document is as insipid as ‘The First 100 Days’ plan, then the party’s election campaign could derail with the finishing line within touching distance.
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The IFS point is really important. How on earth are they going to fund this childcare support and child welfare payment? As noble as it is, potential to lose th a lot of votes if they don’t cost it properly
“explain how the party’s economic policies will boost Welsh tax revenues”
Unfortunately most economic growth scenarios result in a tax boost and benefits spending reduction for Whitehall without any consequentials for Cardiff Bay.
Well that’s a ridiculously negative take. Probably only business rate income benefits – but the knock on effects of higher wages, higher employment, lower public sector spending demand far outweighs that.
It’s well known that the current devolution settlement doesn’t incentivise economic growth. No business case for economic development spending can claim lower health spending in ten years because people are richer as an ROI. Even business rates are too indirect to count. It’s a problem that needs fixing, not sweeping under the carpet.
I’m sorry, I’m giving up being polite. This is utter nonsense; economic growth means more and better paid jobs.
Of course we need growth. Of course growth means more jobs and better paying jobs. It’s just not the Welsh Gov’s day job any more than it’s your council’s job. Because 80% of the means to do it sit with Westminster and most of the direct benefits go to Westminster who are absentee partners completely obsessed with growing London’s economy. The Welsh Gov can’t do it alone any more than a football team can win with 80% of the team missing.
With respect, Jonathan Edwards perpetuates the errors of the flawed IFS report. In concluding, he says… It seems to me the manifesto is going to have to explain how the party’s economic policies will boost Welsh tax revenues to fund any big new spending commitments. But Welsh tax revenues do not fund any Welsh Government spending. WG spending is funded directly by the UK Government, and tax revenue is simply destroyed. In my response to the IFS report (N.C 25 February 2026), I outlined alternative measures which the incoming government could take to begin its journey into the real world… Read more »
Wales does not have a sovereign currency, hence it cannot spend before it receives taxes or grants.
One of my points, Lyn E, was that the WG does not spend taxes. Neither does the UK Government.
I agree about grants, of course. But that is now – I was exploring what steps (expenditure shifting etc) should be taken to benefit our future economy in the interim before independence in the transition to our own currency.
I disagree. Wales is a user of the currency issued by the UK state, not a currency issuer. This difference is essential to Modern Monetary Theory. When the UK government spends, it creates money, via its account at the Bank of England, that is subsequently destroyed through taxation. Welsh government does not have that power. As a currency user, it is restricted to spending what is transferred to it as grants from the UK government, borrow up to the limits specified in the Wales Act, or raise from Welsh residents or businesses in taxation. In this regard, its power is… Read more »
I apologise, Lyn E, for an error above. I said that the WG does not spend taxes, which is strictly correct in relation to UK Government taxes that may be assessed in Cymru.
However, the WG also receives revenue from two of its own taxes – a land transaction tax and a landfill tax. This amounts to about £500m annually and is recycled along with the major part of its revenue, the bulk grant from the UK, and finances its expenditures.
With these special-purpose exceptions, the WG does not raise any taxes from Welsh residents or businesses.
In some ways the 100 day mark, though fashionable isn’t a great benchmark for initial action. In part because there’ll actually be fewer than 100 working days between forming the Government and the Senedd going on Summer recess. Add to that that this coming years budget has already been set and the legislative session over then there’s not a vast amount that can instantly be achieved. Not like Trump and his marker pen knocking out decrees left right and centre. The critical thing will be the ability of individual ministers to cut through all these reviews and make decisive determinations… Read more »
This looks like a ‘plan for a plan’. Both the plan and commentary around it ignore that forming a government will require negotiation with other parties that will likely consume a large chunk of the first hundred days, a deadline I suspect Plaid Cymru will come to regret.